|
V/v
Schulz. Trong Inner Workings,
Coetzee đưa ra một hình ảnh thật thần kỳ về
Schulz, người nghệ sĩ "trưởng thành trong thơ ấu", 'mature into
childhood'. Trên Người Nữu Ước, 8 & 15, June, 2009, có bài
viết Giai thoại về Schulz, Bruno Schulz's legend,
thật tuyệt, của David Grossman. Tay này là tác giả cuốn Viết trong bóng tối, Tin Văn đã
từng giới thiệu. Ông cũng đã từng đăng đàn diễn thuyết chung với DTH
tại Nữu Ước.
Cái chết của Schulz cũng là một giai thoại, nhưng thê lương vô cùng,
qua kể
lại của Grossman, trong Viết trong
bóng tối. Ông đi tù Lò Thiêu, nhờ tài vẽ, được một tay sĩ quan
Nazi bảo bọc, khiến một tay sĩ quan Nazi khác ghét, và sau cùng giết
ông, rồi kể lại cho tay kia nghe. Tay kia xua tay, chuyện lẻ tẻ, để
kiếm đứa khác, thế!
*
LIFE AND
LETTERS
THE AGE OF
GENIUS
The legend
of Bruno Schulz.
BY DAVID
GROSSMAN
An afternoon
in spring, Easter Sunday, 1933. Behind the reception desk of a small
hotel in
Warsaw stands Magdalena Gross. Gross is a sculptor, and her modest
family hotel
serves as a meeting place for writers and intellectuals. In the hotel
lobby
sits a Jewish girl of about twelve, a native of Lodz. Her parents have
sent her
to Warsaw for a school holiday. A small man, thin and pale, enters the
hotel,
carrying a suitcase. He is a bit stooped, and to the girl-her name is
Jakarda
Goldblum-he seems frightened. Gross asks him who he is. "Schulz," he
says, adding, "I am a teacher, I wrote a book and I-"
She
interrupts him. 'Where did you come from?"
"From
Drohobycz."
"And
how did you get here?"
"By
train, by way of Gdanski Bridge." The woman teases him. "Tanz?
You are a dancer?"
'What? No,
not at all." He flinches, worries the hem of his jacket. She laughs
merrily, spouting wisecracks, winking past him at the girl.
"And
what exactly are you doing here?" she asks finally, and he whispers,
"I am a high-school teacher. I wrote a book. Some stories. I have come
to
Warsaw for one night, to give it to Madame Nalkowska." Magdalena Gross
snickers, looks him up and down. Zofia Nalkowska is a renowned Polish
author
and playwright. She is also affiliated with the prestigious publishing
house Roj.
With a little smile, Gross asks, "And how will your book get to Madame
Nalkowska?"
The man
stammers, averts his eyes, yet he speaks insistently: Someone has told
him that
Madame Gross knows Madame Nalkowska. If she would be so kind-
And when he
says this Magdalena Gross stops teasing him. Perhaps-the girl
guesses-this is
because he looks so scared. Or perhaps it's his almost desperate
stubbornness.
Gross goes to the telephone. She speaks with Zofia Nalkowska and tells
her
about the man. "If I have to read the manuscript of every oddball who
comes to Warsaw with a book," Nalkowska says, "I'll have no time for
my own writing.".
It Magdalena
Gross asks that she take one quick look at the book. She whispers into
the
phone, "Do me a favor. Just look at the first page. If you don't like
it,
tell it him and erase the doubt from his heart."
Zofia Nalkowska
agrees reluctantly. Magdalena Gross hangs up the phone. "Take a taxi.
In
half an hour, Madame Nalkowska will see you, for ten minutes."
Schulz
hurries out. An hour later, he returns. Without the manuscript. "What
did
she say?" Magdalena Gross asks.
He says,
"Madame Nalkowska asked me to read the first page to her out loud. She
listened. Suddenly she stopped me. She asked that I leave her alone
with the
pages, and that I return here, to the hotel. She said she would be in
touch
soon."
Magdalena Gross brings him tea, but he can't drink it. They wait in
silence.
The air in the room grows serious and stifling. The man paces the lobby
nervously, back and forth. The girl follows him with her eyes. Years
later,
after she has grown up, she will leave Poland, go to live in Argentina,
and
take the name Alicia. She will become a painter there and marry a
sculptor,
Silvio Giangrande. She will tell this story to a newspaper reporter
during a
visit to Jerusalem, nearly sixty years after the fact.
The three
wait. Every ring of the telephone startles them. Finally, as evening
draws
near, Zofia Nalkowska calls. She has read only thirty pages, there are
things
that she is certain she has not understood, but it seems to be a
discovery-perhaps
the most important discovery in Polish literature in recent years. She
herself
wishes to have the honor of taking this manuscript to the publisher.
The girl
looks at the man: he seems about to faint. A chair is brought to him.
He sits
down and holds his face in his hands.
Of the many
stories, legends, and anecdotes about Bruno Schulz that I have heard
over the
years, this one especially moves me. Perhaps because of the humble
setting of
this dazzling debut, or perhaps because it was recounted from the
innocent
vantage of a young girl, sitting in the corner of the lobby, watching a
man who
seemed to her as fragile as a child.
And another
story I heard: Once, when Schulz was a boy, on a melancholy evening his
mother,
Henrietta, walked into his room and found him feeding grains of sugar
to the
last houseflies to have survived the cold autumn.
"Bruno,"
she asked, "why are you doing that?"
"So
they will have strength for the winter."
Bruno Schulz, a Polish Jewish
writer, was born in 1892 in the town of Drohobycz,
in Galicia, which
was then
within the Austro- Hungarian Empire and today is in Ukraine.
His oeuvre is small: only
two collections of stories survive, and a few dozen essays, articles,
and
reviews, along with paintings and drawings. But these pieces contain an
entire
world. His two books-"Cinnamon Shops" (1934; the English translation
is titled "The Street of Crocodiles") and "The Sanatorium Under
the Sign of the Hourglass" (1937)-create a fantastic universe, a
private
mythology of one family, and are written in a language that brims with
life, a
language that is itself the main character of the stories and is the
only
dimension in which they could possibly exist. Schulz also worked on a
novel
called 'The Messiah," which was lost during the war. No one knows what
was
in it. I once met a man to whom Schulz had shown the opening lines.
What he
read was a description of morning rising over a city. Light growing
stronger.
Towers and steeples. More than that, he did not see.
On the publication of his
first book, Schulz was immediately recognized as a rare talent by the
Polish
literary establishment. Over the years, he has become a figure of great
interest to readers and writers worldwide. Authors such as Philip Roth,
Danilo
Kis, Cynthia Ozick, and Nicole Krauss have written about him, made him
a character
in their books, or reinvented his life story. An aura of wonder and
mystery
hovers ceaselessly over his works and his biography. "He was one of
those
men on whose head God lays His hand while they are asleep so that they
get to
know what they don't know, so that they are filled with intuitions and
conjectures,
while the reflections of distant worlds pass across their closed
eyelids"
so wrote Schulz about Alexander the Great, in his story "Spring" (as
translated by Celina Wieniewska), But one could easily say the same of
Schulz.
And per' haps also of us, his readers, as his stories: work their way
into our
mind.
It seems that everyone who
loves Bruno Schulz has his own personal
tale of discovery. It happened to me just after published my first
novel,
"The Smile of the Lamb." A new writer is sometime like a new baby in
the family. He arrives from the unknown, and his family has to find a
way to
connect with him, to make him a little less "dangerous" in his newness
and mystery. The relatives lean over the infant's crib, peer at him
closely, and
say, "Look, look, he has Uncle Jacob's nose! His chin is exactly like
Aunt
Malka's!" Something similar happens when you first become an author.
Everyone rushes to tell you who has influenced you, from whom you have
learned,
and, of course, from whom you have stolen.
One day, I received a
telephone call from a man named Daniel Schilit, a Polish Jew who had
come to
live in Israel.
He had read my book, and he said, "You obviously are greatly influenced
by
Bruno Schulz."
I was young and polite and
didn't argue with him. The truth is that, up to that moment, I had not
read a
single story by Schulz. But, after the phone call, I thought I should
try to
find one of his books. And that very evening, at the home of friends, I
happened to come across a Hebrew edition of his collected stories. I
borrowed
it and read it. I read the whole book in several hours. Even today it
is hard
for me to describe the jolt that ran through me.
When I got to the end of the
book, I read the epilogue, by one of Schulz's Hebrew translators, Yoram
Bronowski. And there, for the first time, I came upon the story of how
Schulz
had died:
"In the Drohobycz ghetto
Schulz had a protector, an S.S. officer who had exploited Schulz to
paint
murals on the walls of his house. The rival of this S.S. officer shot
Schulz in
the street in order to provoke the officer. According to rumor, when
they met
thereafter, one told the other, 'I have killed your Jew,' and received
the
reply: 'All right, now I will go and kill your Jew.'''
I closed the book. I felt as
if I had been bludgeoned. As if I were falling into an abyss where such
things
were possible.
Not always can a writer
pinpoint the moment at which a book sprouted inside him. After all,
feelings
and thoughts accumulate over a period of years, until they ripen and
burst out
in the act of writing. And yet, although for many years I had wanted to
write
about the Shoah, it was those two sentences, this devastating sample of
Nazi
syntax and world view-"I have killed your Jew," "All right, now
I will go and kill your Jew” -which were the final push, the electric
shock
that ignited the writing of my novel "See Under: Love."
Schulz's many admirers know
the story that I just told about the circumstances of his death. The
Polish
author and poet Jerzy Ficowski, one of the greatest scholars of
Schulz's life
and work, recounts in his book "Regions of the Great Heresy" how, a
short time before the Black Thursday massacre in Drohobycz, in 1942,
the
Gestapo officer Felix Landau shot a Jewish dentist named Low, who had
been
under the "protection" of another Gestapo officer, Karl Gunther.
There had been a grudge between Landau and Gunther for some time, and
the
murder incited Gunther to take revenge. Proclaiming his intentions, he
went
looking for Schulz, aJewwho had been under Landau's protection. Taking
advantage of the Black Thursday Aktion, he shot Schulz at the corner of
Czacki
and Mickiewicz Streets. "According to acccounts of several Drohobycz
residents," Ficowski writes, "when meeting Landau, Gunther announced
triumphantly: 'You killed my Jew-I killed yours.'''
This is the canonical version
of the story. But there are some who believe that although Schulz was
indeed
killed in the Drohobycz ghetto, that horrible exchange was fabricated,
a
legend. The debate about Schulz's death has endured for decades.
Apparently,
there is no way to settle the issue-nor do I expect that other
'evidence, such
as the testimony that I am about to report, will lay the matter to rest.
From the time I knew that I
was going to be a writer, I also knew that I would write about the
Shoah. And,
as I grew older, I became even more convinced that I would not truly be
able to
understand my life in Israel,
as a person, as a father, a writer, an Israeli, a Jew, until I
understood the
life that I hadn't lived-in the time of the Shoah, in the space of the
Shoah. I
wanted to find out what there was in me that I could have used to
oppose the
Nazis' attempt at erasure. How would I have preserved my human spark
within a
reality that was wholly devised to extinguish it?
Today, I can say that
Schulz's writing showed me a way to write about the Shoah, and, in a
sense,
also a way to live after the Shoah. Sometimes there are such moments of
grace:
you open a book by an author you don't know, and suddenly you feel
yourself
passing through a magnetic field that sends you in a new direction,
setting off
eddies that you'd barely sensed before and could not name. I read
Schulz's
stories and felt the gush of life. On every page, life was raging,
exploding
with vitality, suddenly worthy of its name; it was taking place on all
layers
of consciousness and sub consciousness, in dreams, in illusions, and in
nightmares.
I felt the stories' ability to revive me, to carry me beyond the
paralysis and
despair that inevitably gripped me whenever I thought about the
Holocaust or
came into contact with the aspects of human nature which had ultimately
allowed
it to happen.
In his story "Tailors'
Dummies," Schulz wrote about his father, a cloth merchant:
It is worth noting how, in
contact with that strange man, all things reverted, as it were, to the
roots of
their existence, rebuilt their outward appearance anew from their
metaphysical core, returned
to the primary idea, in order to betray it at some point and to turn
into the
doubtful, risky and equivocal regions which we shall call for short the
Regions
of the Great Heresy.
There is no more precise
description of Schulz's writing itself, of his incessant search for the
"metaphysical core" of things, but also of his brave capacity to
change his point of view in an instant, and to turn, at the very last
second,
in the most ironic and ambiguous way, to the Regions of the Great
Heresy.
This is the strength of this
writer, who has no illusions about the arbitrary, chaotic, and random
nature of
life yet is nonetheless determined to force life - existence both
indefinite
and indifferent - to surrender, to open itself wide and expose the
kernel of
meaning hidden in its depths. I would even add: the kernel of humanity.
But although Schulz is a big
believer in some significance or meaning or law that generates and
regulates everything
in the world-people, animals, plants, even inanimate objects, to which
he often
also grants, with a certain smile, souls and desires-he is still able
to uproot
himself suddenly from this faith and deny it absolutely, with a sort of
bottomless, demonic despair, which only intensifies our sense of his
profound
loneliness and our intuition that, for this man, there was no
consolation in
the world.
In an old-age home in the
southern Israeli city of Beersheba,
in the early summer of2008, I met Ze’ev F1eischer. A short man, slight
and
bald, with huge eyeglasses, he was, at eighty-three, sharp minded,
ironic, and
disillusioned, and his humor was seasoned with bitterness. Most of all,
he was
self-effacing, never missing an opportunity to diminish or make fun of
himself.
He liked to write "satirical songs and fleeting aphorisms," and had
collected his works in a book, entitled "Above My Sailboats." In his
youth, for two years, from 1939 to 1941, Fleischer had been a pupil of
Bruno
Schulz's at the Sternbach Gymnasium, a private high school for Jews, in
Drohobycz. It was situated on Szaszkiewicz Street, not far from
the city center.
"Officially, Schulz was
a teacher of arts and crafts," Fleischer told me. "He was very shy
and bottled up. His stock was very low, in the eyes of others, of
strangers.
"Why? Because a man, after all, has to earn money! And someone like
Schulz, who wrote 'nonsense,' counted for nothing. At most they
regarded him as
human sawdust. . . . His friends, mostly literary people, arranged a
job for
him at the Gymnasium. They, the friends, saw his talent and his
genius-this was
after the publication of his books. They saw that he had no chance of
surviving
in a climate that valued only money, and they decided to help him.
"He was supposed to
teach us drawing and handicrafts, but he understood very quickly that
as an art
teacher he would get no respect from the students. In general, he was
one of
those people who kind of apologize for their very existence, so you can
only
imagine what went on during his lessons. In Schulz's class, there were
mainly
kids who were disciplinary problems, and he knew he would be fresh meat
for
them and their ridicule, and I think he realized very fast that he
could save
himself only if he did something different. So he had this brilliant
idea-he
would tell us stories. Extemporaneous stories, on the spot, and that's
what he
did, and it was like he was painting with words. He told stories, and
we
listened-even the wildest animals listened."
Fleischer laughed. "He
did nearly nothing else. I don't think he drew one line on the
blackboard the
whole year .... But he told stories. He would come into the classroom,
sit
down, then suddenly stand up and start walking around, talking, with
hand gestures,
with that voice of his, and the wildest kids sat there enchanted."
I asked what kind of voice
Schulz had.
"When he spoke softly,
he would dominate. There were no imperatives in his voice. And there
was always
this feeling that he himself was hearing-how do I put it?-that this was
a kind
of music for him. He spoke in a monotone, but colorfully. He didn't
care about
commas or question marks. But he was very impressive. His quiet was
very
impressive. His music was in the quiet. And we, the students, adjusted
ourselves to this quiet. Apparently, he didn't know how to talk loud.
"And he was afraid of
us," Fleischer added. "He was always in a sort of defensive position
.... Because most of the students, they saw him as a lemech,
a nebbish, but, when he told stories, that shut them up.
They didn't understand much, but they felt him. I don't know if he ever
wrote
any of those stories down. I can't recall them specifically. But I
remember
that they were stories not from this world they were mystical. After
the war, I
called up a friend who had studied with me there in the Gymnasium, and
he
didn't remember Schulz at all. But on me Schulz made an impression-I
guess
because of certain feelings of inferiority, which I still have to this
day, and
he, Schulz, also had, and this was a connection between us.
"I also knew Schulz
because he lived across from my aunt on Bednarska Street," Fleischer went
on. "He was my father's age. Older than me by thirty-three years. When
he
was our teacher, I couldn't control myself, and I would run after him
at the
end of the lesson: 'Professor!'-that's what we called all our
teachers-and I
would ask him what he had meant in a story he'd told us, and he would
stop and
talk to me, talk to me like we were equals. Even though they were
already
calling him one of the giants of Polish literature. His lack of
self-confidence
was so obvious. He would walk into class: 'Sorry I came,' 'Sorry I'm
breathing,' a character like that, walking bent over, there was always
that
stooped element in him.
"His sense of humor was
laughing at himself ... When he would start to tell a story, there
would be a
moment when he wasn't sure of himself, always at the beginning, but as
soon as
he started to spin out the story, and saw that the class was quieting
down,
suddenly there would be this smile on his face, half ironic. Now
they're
listening, they're sitting down, nobody is moving. And then this smile
of his,
it was ... like he was celebrating his temporary victory, but at the
same time
he was also kind of laughing at himself."
In my book "See Under:
Love," Bruno Schulz appears both as himself and as a fictional
character.
In his fictional guise, I smuggled him out of wartime Drohobycz, under
the
noses of the literary scholars and the historians, to the pier in Danzig, where he jumped into the water and
joined a
school of salmon.
Why salmon?
Perhaps because salmon have
always seemed to me the living incarnation of a journey. They are born
in
freshwater rivers or lakes. They swim there for a while, and then head
for salt
water. In the sea, they travel in huge schools for thousands of miles,
until
they sense some inner signal, and the school reverses direction and
begins to
return home, to the place where its members were hatched. Again the
salmon swim
thousands of miles. Along the way, they are preyed upon by other fish,
by
eagles and bears. In dwindling numbers, they scoot upriver and leap
against the
current, through waterfalls twenty or thirty feet long, until the few
that
remain reach the exact spot where they were spawned, and lay their
eggs. When
the babies hatch, they swim over the dead bodies of their parents. Only
a few
adult salmon survive to perform the journey a second time.
When I
first heard about the
life cycle of salmon, I felt that there was something very Jewish about
it:
that inner signal which suddenly resonates in the consciousness of the
fist, bidding
them to return to the place where they were born, the place where they
were
formed as a group. (There may also be something very Jewish in the urge
to
leave that homeland and wander all over the world-that eternal journey.)
But there was something else
as well that drove me to choose salmon, something deeply connected with
the
writings of Bruno Schulz. Reading his works made me realize that, in
our
day-to-day routines, we feel our lives most when they are running out:
as we
age, as we lose our physical abilities, our health, and, of course,
family
members and friends who are important to us. Then we pause for a
moment, sink
into ourselves, and feel: here was something, and now it is gone. It
will not
return. And it may be that we understand it, truly and deeply, only
when it is
lost. But when we read Schulz, page by page, we sense the words
returning to
their source, to the strongest and most authentic pulse of the life
within
them. Suddenly we want more. Suddenly we know that it is possible to
want more,
that life is greater than what grows dim with us and steadily fades
away.
When I wrote the
"Bruno" chapter of my book, and described an imaginary scenario in
which Bruno flees the failure of civilization, the perfidious language
of
humans, and joins a school of salmon, I felt that I was very close to
touching
the root of life itself, the primal, naked impulse of life, which
salmon seem
to sketch in their long journey, and which the real Bruno Schulz wrote
about in
his books, and for which he yearned in every one of his stories: the
longed-for
realm that he called the Age of Genius. The Age of Genius was for
Schulz an age
driven by the faith that life could be created over and over again
through the
power of imagination and passion and love, the faith that despair had
not yet
overruled any of these forces, that we had not yet been eaten away by
our own cynicism
and nihilism. The Age of Genius was for Schulz a period of perfect
childhood,
feral and filled with light, which even if it lasted for only a brief
moment in
a person's life would be missed for the rest of his years.
"Did the Age of Genius
ever occur?"
Schulz asks, and we, his
readers, ask along with him. Was there ever really an age of sublime
inspiration, when man could return to his childhood? When mankind could
return
to its childhood? An age when a primeval river of life, of vitality, of
creativity, gloriously raged? An age when essences had not frozen into
forms,
when everything was still possible and plentiful and nascent?
Did the Age of Genius ever
occur?
Schulz wonders. And, if it
did, would we recognize it, answer its secret call? Would we dare to
relinquish
the elaborate defense mechanisms that we have constructed against the
antediluvian wildness and volcanic abundance of such an age, defenses
that
have, bit by bit, become our prison?
A few years after Schulz wrote
that line came an age that was the utter opposite. An age of slaughter.
Of
massive, faceless destruction. And yet to that terrifying call many
responded,
so many, with depressing eagerness.
In "See Under:
Love," I struggled to bring to life, if only for a few pages, the Age
of
Genius, as Schulz had suggested it in his writings. I wrote about an
age in
which every person is a creator, an artist, and each human life is
unique and
treasured. An age in which we adults feel unbearable pain over our
fossilized
childhoods, and a sudden urge to dissolve the crust that has congealed
around
us. An age in which everyone understands that killing a person destroys
a
singular work of art, which can never be replicated. An age in which it
is no
longer possible to think in a way that will produce such sentences as
"I
have killed your Jew"; "Now I will go and kill your Jew."
Stalin once said, "One
death is a tragedy, a million deaths is a statistic." When I read the
stories of Bruno Schulz, I can feel in them-and in myself-the ceaseless
pounding of an impulse to defy that statement, an impulse to rescue the
life of
the individual, his only, precious, tragic life, from that
"statistic."
And also, of course-need one
say this at all?-the urge to rescue, to redeem, the life and death of
Schulz
himself.
'We owe the sole eyewitness
account of Schult s murder in the ghetto of Drohobycz on November
19,1942, to a
fellow-townsman, Izydor Friedman, who survived this particular
butchery,"
Jerzy Ficowski writes, in his book "Letters and Drawings of Bruno
Schulz," which appeared in English in 1988. Ficowski quotes Friedman,
who
escaped the Nazi horrors thanks to forged documents: "I was a friend of
his before the war and remained in close contact with him to the day of
his
death in the Drohobycz ghetto. As a Jew, I was assigned by the
Drohobycz Judenrat to work in a library under
Gestapo authority, and so was Schulz. This was a depository made up of
all
public and the major private libraries .... Its core collection was
that of the
Jesuits of Chyrow. It comprised circa 100,000 volumes, which were to be
catalogued or committed to destruction by Schulz and myself. This
assignment
lasted several months, was congenial and full of interest to us, and
was paradise
by comparison with the assignments drawn by other Jews."
Friedman's meaning is
perfectly clear, of course, but it is hard for me to believe that
Schulz was
indifferent to the significance of the job that had been imposed on
him, to the
cruel irony that he was the man sentenced to decide which books would
be saved
and which would be destroyed.
Friedman continues, 'We spent
long hours in conversation. Schulz informed me at the time that he had
deposited all his papers, notes, and correspondence files with a
Catholic
outside the ghetto. Unfortunately he did not give me the person's name,
or
possibly I forgot it. We also discussed the possibility of Schulz
escaping to Warsaw.
Friends ... had
sent him a [false] identity card from Warsaw.
I provided him with currency and dollars, but he kept putting off the
departure
day. He could not summon up the courage and meant to wait until I
received
'Aryan' papers.
"On a date I don't
recall, in 1942, known as Black Thursday in Drohobycz, the Gestapo
carried out
a massacre in the ghetto. We happened to be in the ghetto to buy food
.... When
we heard shooting and saw Jews run for their lives, we took to flight.
Schulz,
physically the weaker, was caught by a Gestapo agent called Gunther,
who
stopped him, put a revolver to his head, and fired twice.
"During the night, I
found his body, searched his pockets, and gave his documents and some
notes I
found there to his nephew Hoffman-who lost his life a month later.
Toward
morning, I buried him in the Jewish cemetery. I was unable to identity
his grave
site after the liberation of Drohobycz in 1944." (In his book a
"Drohobycz,
Drohobycz," the Polish Jewish writer Henryk Grynberg points out that it
would have been difficult for Friedman to single-handedly bury Schulz's
body.)
According to Ficowski,
Friedman's is the only eyewitness testimony of the murder of Schulz
available.
I thought so, too, until, in the middle of the conversation at the
old-age home
in Beersheba,
Ze'ev Fleischer told me the following:
"In '42 there was an Aktion that lasted a full month.
Generally, an Aktion would go on for
a day or two. The Germans would catch their quota of Jews, and it was
over. But
that time, four weeks. At night it was quiet, and in the daytime they
went
hunting. I was working then at forced labor, in the oil refineries. At
5 A.M.
everyone had to show up in front of his house, and from there we went
to work
until seven at night. At that time we had agreed with my mother that
she would
go into hiding at a place where my uncle worked as a pharmacist.
"And so from the day the Aktion started I didn't see
her. I
lost contact with her, and I went to look for her. I was very tied to
her, and
I decided, against all logic, somehow to get to the place where I
thought I
would find her. And on the way I saw how groups of Germans would see
here and
there a Jew, or some Jews, and shoot them. This wasn't an Aktion
where they rounded up Jews to be sent away. This was murder
on the spot. They simply looked for any Jew, anywhere, and shot him.
Look-today, they call us heroes. Some heroes! We were mice, most of us.
We hid
in our holes.
"Drohobycz is a small
town, and between the houses, also inside the houses, the hunting went
on, and
on the way I saw groups of Germans, and with every group there was also
one
Jew, who worked in the Ordnungsdienst, which was sort of an auxiliary
force to
preserve order, and their people were armed with clubs, not guns.
"And suddenly I heard
shots. I stood by a wall and waited for it to be over. And then I saw a
group of
Jews, two or three Jews, walking past a house, this was on Czacki
Street, and
some Germans and Ukrainians with guns were also there, and they shot at
the
Jews, and the Jews fell down.
"I waited for the
Germans to go away, and then I walked past the dead people. There were
dead
bodies everywhere. Dead people in the street was an everyday thing. If
you saw
the dead body of a cat in the street it would have made a bigger
impression. I
didn't notice that anything special had happened, and I also didn't
know who
they were. I almost walked right past that one dead man, but when I saw
the
bread I drew closer.
"I saw, from one of the
bodies lying on the sidewalk, something like a piece of bread. It was
sticking
out there, from the pocket of his trench coat. I went over to this dead
man,
and I guess I wanted to take his bread. And the dead man turned over. I
turned
him over, and the way I turned him he was facing me, and I look and see
that
it's Schulz. It was Schulz’s face."
Fleischer stopped, folded his
hands on his head, took a few deep breaths.
"And then what did you
do?" I asked. "I can't tell you ... it was something shocking, so
much that I'm not sure that ... what did I do? My instinct was to take
the
bread and run away. And it seems I didn't do that. It seems I didn't do
it.
Look, a person who doesn't eat-and we, after all, didn't eat, we ate
inedible
things, we ate soup that was mostly water with some grass or something
.... And
here I see, in his coat-it looked like, like a serious piece of bread.
And 1
went over to this dead man, and apparently 1 wanted to take the bread
from him. I wanted to pull out the bread and go. I even thought, I'll
come to 1mma with
bread, how , happy she will be, but 1 ... you know, 1 can't ... 1 don't
know
what 1 did with , that bread. 1 think 1 left it. Yes. 1 left be- 1
cause 1 saw
his face, with blood here and , here." Fleischer pointed to his
forehead,
his eyes, covered his whole face with his .., hand. "1 kept running,
and
by the end f of the day 1 found my mother."
"Did you recognize
Schulz immediately, the moment you saw his face?"
"Sure. First of all, he
had a very typical r face. He had this nose ... he looked a little like
a
mouse. But he had a high forehead, and this 1 always would notice
because my
parents would say that a person with a high forehead was very smart."
"Do you remember what
you felt when you saw that the dead man was Bruno Schulz?"
"I felt a chill and I
felt afraid .... You understand by now that he was more than a teacher
for me.
I felt a special kind of connection with him; he was a spiritual
relative in
certain respects. I also felt that my personality was a little similar
to his
... hesitant, bashful, my lack of self-confidence. When they all
laughed at
him, I felt so sorry for him. I completely identified with him. And I
always
admired him, for the way he would talk and we would see a picture. We
could
smell the things he described. I remember how, for example, he
described the
smell of cinnamon, which was dominant in the commercial area of
Drohobycz, and
I, all my life, never could stand the smell of cinnamon, but only when
he
described it I loved it. ... And suddenly I see him dead. I was about
seventeen
at the time, and I had already seen many dead, but suddenly-him."
I asked Fleischer if he knew
the story of Schulz's murder.
"Of course. It was a big
rivalry between two of them. Landau was his patron, and there’s a
version
that's hard for me to accept-those who say Gunther killed him. It's
hard for me
to accept, you know why? Because Gunther was an officer in the Gestapo.
So I
can't quite imagine Gunther running in the street to kill him. He could
have
killed him other ways. No, regarding this question I have no idea. I
have no answer
till this day. There's a million stories I heard."
In the days following my
meeting with Fleischer, I found myself returning in my mind, again and
again,
to the picture of the boy leaning over the body of his beloved teacher
on the
street, and the bread peeking from the dead man's jacket pocket.
Something in
the way Fleischer had spoken about the event wouldn't leave me alone. I
asked
him if he would agree to tell me one more time the story of those
moments. To
my surprise, he readily repeated for me what he remembered.
"He, the dead man, lay
on his side in a way that you couldn't see his face. He lay bent over
like
this-" demonstrated with his body, and I thought of Bruno Schulz lying
stooped over, just as he was in life. "And I also noticed that he had
these shoes, tennisowki, tennis shoes
... "
F1eischer spoke again about
the bread.
"It was a loaf of bread.
Like a brick ... more mud than bread. Half of it was sawdust. It was
like a
piece of mud they used to bake then. If! stuck in a finger, it would go
in like
it was modeling clay."
And what happened then? I
asked. "What happened? ... I took it.
Maybe I took a bite of it?
No. No .... Anyway, I can't tell you clearly what exactly happened with
that
bread."
I told him that what he'd
faced at that moment seemed to me more terrible than any possible
answer to the
question of whether he took or didn't take the bread; I also said I was
sure
that Schulz would have been happy to know that it was his student who
had taken
his bread.
Fleischer nodded, but
couldn't agree with me wholeheartedly. Then he said, "I think I ate.
Very
little. Two or three bites. Not more. Then it broke in half in my hand.
I
wanted to run away." I asked if he had also taken some of the bread to
his
mother, and he said that he didn't remember. "Apparently, yes. Maybe
not.
... But even if! had brought it to her I wouldn't have told her from
where. At
that time we didn't talk much."
I said to Fleischer that I
wanted with all my heart to believe that he had indeed eaten the bread
of Bruno
Schulz, that there had been such a moment between them. He shrugged and
said,
"I don't know. I'm not sure. It was one of those things that are
impossible to remember." And he sighed. "It was horrible, the whole
thing, from beginning to end, and in those days I thought mostly about
my
mother and my father and about myself. Only afterward it came back to
me. After
the war. I dreamed a series of dreams, for a year or two, about friends
of mine
walking in a line and not wanting to talk to me. Turning their backs on
me
because I stayed alive and didn't help them. I felt that this was my
sin. I
still feel that way now."
Fleischer met Jerzy Ficowski,
the biographer of Bruno Schulz, in 2003, in Poland, when they were
interviewed
for a television documentary. He told Ficowski his story but asked that
it not
be published, lest the myth of Schulz's death be spoiled. Ficowski
replied that
Fleischer could think it over, and then talk to him again. But they
didn't meet
again, and Ficowski died in 2006. "My thinking about myths has changed
since then," Fleischer told me. "Again and again I discover myths
that were broken and ideals that were shattered. The story must be
told."
The description of Schulz's
murder as reported by his friend Izydor Frieddman is different, of
course, from
Fleischer’s description. I do not know which of the two is accurate,
and it is possible
that the definitive facts will I never be confirmed. From where
Fleischer stood
during the shooting he likely wouldn't have seen exactly what was
happening,
and he himself says that he was not paying special attention at the
moment of
the killing. There is no reason to doubt his word about what he went
through
when he found himself crouching over the dead body of his teacher.
Fleischer's testimony
provides us with the story of one more human contact with Bruno Schulz,
after
his death and before his body was buried. Contact that for a moment
redeemed
him from the anonymity of the murder, and also from that vile
"statistic," and gave him back his name, his face, and his
uniqueness. This brief contact echoed everything that had been good and
nourishing and generous in him toward his young student. This contact
"allowed" Bruno Schulz to perform one more act of grace, even after
his death.
In recent years, I've been
going back, more or less once a year, to the stories of Bruno Schulz.
For me
it's a sort of annual tune-up, a strengthening of the antibodies
against the
temptations of apathy and withdrawal. Every time I open his books, I am
amazed
anew to discover how this writer, a single human being who rarely left
his home
town, created for us an entire world, an alternate dimension of
reality, and
how he continues even now, so many years after his death, to feed us
grains of
sugar- and crumbs of bread-so that we may somehow make it through the
cold,
endless winter. •
(Translated, from the Hebrew,
by Stuart Schoffman.)
The New
Yorker June 8 & 15 2009
Bruno Schulz
Le printemps
Traduit du
polonais par Thérèse Douchy
D'où vient
ce mystérieux album de timbres qui semble avoir le pouvoir de
ressusciter les
grands personnages de l'Histoire ? Qui est Bianca, cette femme au
visage
d'ange? Quels liens a-t-elle avec ces revenants ? Où finit le passé et
où
commence le présent ?
Le
printemps, saison du retour à la vie, devient le théâtre d'événements
troublants, aux allures parfois fantastiques.
Écrivain
secret, Bruno Schulz nous
entraine dans son univers onirique et strange
transcendé par une langue poétique à la fois riche et exceptionnelle.
Cette
nouvelle est extraite du recueil Le
sanatorium au croquet-mort
(L'Imaginaire
n° 437).
Tuổi
thiên tài
Troisième
enfant d'un drapier Israélite, Bruno Schulz nait en1892
à Drohobycz. Sa ville natale, petite
bourgade de Galicie à l'est de l’Empire austo-hongrois, est rattachée à
la
Pologne à la suite des bouleversemenrs de la Première Guerre mondiale.
Trop
jeune pour s'engager lors du conflit, it apprend néanmoins la peur er
la
souffrance. Après des études d'architecture et de peinture à Vienne, it
revient
à Drohohycz enseigner le dessin; it ne quittera plus guère sa ville
qui
deviendra le décor de la plupart de ses textes. II commence à écrire
par
hasard, en correspondant avec des amis à qui it raconte sa famille, ses
concitoyens, tous les petits événements qui rythment son quoridien
solitaire.
Peu à peu, ces lettres deviennent des récits, et donnent naissance aux
recueils Les boutiques de cannelle en 1934 et Le sanatorium au croquet-mort en 1937.
Empreints de rêves, parfois de fantastique, ces textes puisent leur
inspiration
dans les souvenirs d'enfance et expriment une profonde angoisse tout en
décrivant
avec amertume le monde moderne, à la fois pathétique et grotesque. Bien
que ces
texts ne rencontrent pas de succès en librairie, ils lui permettent de
se faire
remarquer par l'intelligentsia et par les écrivains polonais qui
saluent son génie,
son originalité et son talent. En 1936, it traduit Le Procès de Franz
Kafka et
contribue ainsi à faire connaitre l’écrivain praguois dans son pays. Il
illustre de ses dessins la première édition de Ferdydurke
de son
contemporain Witold Gombrowicz ainsi que ses propres oeuvres. Enfermé
en 1941
dans le ghetto de Drohobycz lors de l’avancée allemande, il commence un
roman
qu'il n'achevera malheureusement pas: un SS l’abat d’une balle dans la
nuque
le 19 novembre 1942 et le manuscript disparait dans les ruines du
ghetto.
Malgré une oeuvre
littéraire restreinte, BrunoSchulz est considéré comme l’un des plus
grands écrivains
polonais du xze siècle et influence tous les domaines artistiques.
L'écrivain Isaac
B. Singer disait de lui «Parfois il écrivait comme Kafka, parfois
comme
Proust, et il a fini par atteindre des profondeurs auxquelles ni l'un
ni
l'autre n'avaient accédé.”
Đọc những còm
của mấy đấng độc giả, trong có nhà thơ ‘nhớn’, về một truyện ngắn của
HNT đăng
trên DM, Gấu nhận ra, chẳng đấng nào là ‘tri âm’ của nhà văn đã mệnh
một!
Chán thế!
Bèn post bài giới thiệu
‘thiên tài của tuổi thiên tài’, của ‘trưởng thành vào
tuổi thơ’,
Bruno Schulz, trong cuốn Le Printemps,
và lèm bèm thêm, như thế này:
Bạn có thể
coi đây là bài viết về HNT của Mít chúng ta, và, nhớ là, đừng so sánh
‘mức độ’ thiên
tài, giữa hai đấng tài hoa mệnh bạc!
Cũng đừng ngậm ngùi với cái chết
héo mòn của
ông, như cả một thế hệ văn chương Miền Nam cùng với ông, sau 1975, với
cái chết
vì một viên đạn bắn vào ót của Schulz. Bởi vì:
HNT
rất giống Schulz, [đọc Tuổi thiên tài],
ở đời thường, khoan nói chuyện
văn chương, nghệ thuật. Cả hai đều khốn khổ khốn nạn, sinh ra đời là đã
chỉ
muốn xin lỗi cuộc đời, xin lỗi, tớ tới nhầm chỗ, đúng ra tớ không nên
bò ra cõi
đời này!
*
V/v Bạn của HNT: Gấu biết hai ông, rất thân với HNT, khi sinh thời.
Một, là nhà phê bình văn học nổi tiếng của Miền Nam trước 1975, một bạn
văn, bạn
lính, mà còn là bạn mê bóng đá, bóng tròn, đá bóng… Lạ, là chẳng bao
giờ hai ông
này thỏ thẻ về cái chuyện được là bạn của thiên tài tuổi thơ cả!
Còn
một tay nữa, cũng rất thân với HNT, nhưng cũng ngại nói tên ra ở đây….
Cái cảm giác, 'xin lỗi tớ đến lộn chỗ', của HNT, là của Gấu, lần đầu
gặp HNT,
hình như tại cà phê Bà Lê Chân thì phải.
"Parfois
il écrivait comme Kafka, parfois comme Proust, et il a fini par
atteindre des
profondeurs auxquelles ni l'un ni l'autre n'avaient accédé.”
“Đôi khi
ông
ta viết như Kafka, đôi khi như Proust, và sau cùng ông đạt tới những
chiều sâu
mà cả hai ông kia, chẳng ai đạt tới”
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